Talk:1988 Constituziun
Despite all the infighting and bickering (or maybe to have more of it) Talossans sat down on 24 July to write a
"1988 Constituziun" to replace the Organic Law. Matáiwoson, dal Már, Lauriéir, Metáiriâ and Andrïeu Latürarxheu argued for five hours at a Constitutional Convention. The Monarchy became hereditary and the King got a real veto (needing a Cosâ vote to override it) while the PM's veto was replaced by a PM's right to issue "Prime Dictates" ("PDs"): executive orders with the force of law. Lauriéir provided eight aptly named "Vague Principles" against which the laws of Talossa would be judged. Matáiwoson urged strong referendum rules, but
the élitist Left blocked efforts to allow the people to make laws by referendum.
Matáiwoson, R. Ben, author; Gödefrïeu Válcadac’h, editor. Àr Päts, 2003 Comprehensive Edition. Preßeu Støtanneu with this new edition being put together by Oraclâ Press: Abbavilla, Atatürk, and Fiôvâ Province, RT. 2003 and 31 May 2020. .pdf Online. p. 32
1988 CONSTITUZIUN August, 1988**
[The 1988 Constituziun of the Kingdom of Talossa contained several items of Talossan-language terminology (all found in earlier texts) as well as two significant Talossan texts. The first was the Preamble, given below. NOTE: the original text, written in August, 1988, contained several grammatical errors. The text below is a revised version, rewritten sometime around December 1993; the spellings in the preamble, below, represent 1993 standards, and not 1988 ones. No copy of the unedited 1988 text seems to have survived.]
Práimhoct: Cadascú naziun, zespiitzi a grülteçâ, tent el drept da se governar. Noi en afirment par ár estare. És noi tiennent çoiçat, d'afirmar püblicmint ár estare par acest documenteu. Noi zirent, ni cün el duvitamáintsch, ni cün el pör, që el Popul Talossán isch 'n naziun, és që el Regipäts Talossán isch l'Estat d'această naziun. Noi sovent ár tgistoriâ rüc à dels tîmps luégñhs és underschidlechs, és oxhi noi creatent viens noveu pamietnic àl tgrustaziun drepteasca, d'ár drapéux és d'ár escútschen ainciun la faça d'iens mundeu înpreparescù.
Noi, els Talossies qi tiennent preparat, sigñhat, és xhurat à sostire acest papel, par acest noi afirment, aici, avint la tgistòria, që ár rëspunsaválitàns àd ár pats non sînt mius q'iensâ sînt confiençà, come la confiençù dels altreux à lor pätsilor. Noi en viennent sostire. Talossa isch 'n naziun. Acest noi xhurent!
[The other significant text in the 1988 Constituziun is the Prime Minister's Oath of Office, given below.
The text below, like the Preamble, above, was revised (though only slightly) after 1993 and so the
spellings below do not represent the exact original.]
Eu afirm, solenâmint, që eu, (nominâ], cun fidálità, rompliarhéu l'oifisch da Sieu Maxhestà se Seneschal del Regipats Talossán, és zefençarhéu, àl miglhor da v'aválità, la sigürità del Estat Talossán. Så viva el Regeu!
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, p. 160
REFERENDUM BALLOT ** August, 1994 **
PAPEL ELECTORAL UFICIÁL REFERENDUM SPECIÁL
Përf çoicetz l'opziun "Uc" eda "non" come Voastra respúns al quesziun sovînd, és restornietz acest
papel al difisch del Secretár d'Estat avînt 7h 30 d'ospréi li 31 Guscht dallas 1994/XV. Méirci ben për Voastra cintravál
Fost el text sovind estare combinat al Constituziun Talossán, com'iensâ adiziun àl 7:t Cuvenáintsch?
"El drept al privätsità per dels figürs püblici fost estarë valançat par el drept public à săpare, dîn las facendis qi afectent els politici, las eleziuns, las campagñhás, és el [sic] governaziun. La catxantaziun întentia da quáisevois aisnéis politici, që votéits raziunavais povent trovar aẞistinds, lucratius, eda înformatius, pût estare un înfrith contra el drept public à säparë."
ÜC/NON
Voastra Signhatür
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, p. 207
The 1988 Constituziun (so named in Talossan), which was to supersede the
Organic Law and make Talossa a genuine representative democracy, was also becoming a major news story. After months of work, King Robert presented a draft outline to the Prime Minister in mid-April, and it met with scorn from Dan Lauriéir and (less so) from Bob dal Már. The Constituziun was odelled on other constitutions, and did the things such documents do: spell out how to conduct elections, the size of the Cosâ, who can veto what, and so forth. But Lauriéir, ever the philosopher, declared such issues "boring" and called for a glorified preamble and nothing else, along the lines of "we think Talossa should have elections" and "we think Talossa should have a King," but leaving
the definition of how the government works to other, more boring, laws.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 254-255
Despite all the infighting and bickering (or perhaps to have more of it),
the King, PM, and others finally sat down on the 24th of July to write the text of the 1988 successor to the Organic Law--the so-caleld "1988 Constituziun," using the Talossan name for it. Madison, dal Már, Lauriéir, Andrïeu Latürarxheu and Ián Metáiriâ argued for some five hours at this Constitutional Convention about the text of the document, and the result of all this bickering was a document that made some profound and permanent alterations in the Talossan political system. The Monarchy was made hereditary in the line of King Robert I, but future kings would have to pass a public referendum if they were to exercise the regal powers. The king was given a substantive veto (requiring a 2/3 majority in the Cosâ to overturn it) but the Prime Minister's veto was taken away. In exchange, the Prime Minister received the right to issue "Prime Dictates" (soon shortened to "PDs"): executive orders with the force of law (though they could be vetoed by the King or repealed by the Cosâ), thus ending Talossa's phenomenon of 'governmentlessness' during elections. Dan Lauriéir's original proposal for the entire Constituziun, a set of eight vague principles, was enshrined as The Vague Principles, which were to outline the general course of Talossan governance. Example: "As significant political participation by as many interested citizens as possible is the sine qua non of the Kingdom of Talossa, we therefore establish a government... The Cosâ shall strive to be as representative of our diverse political perspectives as possible without making pointless the very idea of organised government." However, the document bore the unmistakable signs of having been drafted by a committee. Despite its democratic flourishes, Bob dal Már had inserted an article on referenda, stating that no referendum could be considered "passed" unless it got 2/3 of the popular vote; the PC shouted that this would diminished the voice of the people by robbing a simple majority of the right to make a decision; in the interest of compromise, the King assented. The Constituziun opens with a pompous preamble written by the King, which received surprisingly little criticism. Based partly on the 1985 Organic Law, the Preamble (written in Talossan and English) declares: "Every nation no matter how small has the right to self-government. We affirm that by our existence. And we have chosen to publicly affirm our existence by this document. We state with neither equivocation nor flinching that the Talossan people are a nation, and that the Kingdom of Talossa is the state of that nation. We trace our history back to distant, different times, and today we mark another milestone in the rightful thrusting of our standards and emblems into the face of an unprepared world. We, the Talossans who have prepared, signed and sworn to uphold this document, hereby pledge before history that our responsibilities to our country are no less a sacred trust than those of other people to theirs. We shall uphold them. Talossa is a nation. This we swear!" Støtanneu provided a general outline of the Constituziun: "Next come the Points of State, giving the official name of the country, its territory, flag, anthem, motto and so forth. Strong language was approved without controversy stating that the Talossan language is "the sole historic and national language of the entire Talossan people." Buy your phrase-books soon. The next three sections, on the Head of State, the King, and the Regent, were the topic of intense argument, with Lauriéir often threatening to quit the Constitutional Convention if any of Madison's principles were adopted. The compromise arrangement, unsatisfying to all we may be sure, makes the Throne hereditary in the Madison family, but forces future kings to obtain sanction by referendum if they are to exercise their powers. If the public fails to do this, their powers are stripped from them and given to an elected 'Regent'. This as-yet hypothetical office was the subject of the most heated argument of the Convention, with Lauriéir demanding a powerless, castrated head of state who would hold office for only three months and who could by thrown out of office by a one-third minority vote. The again unsatisfying com-promise69 was reached when Prime Mininster Bob dal Már sided with conservative forces and called for a one-year term. Still the Regent would need a 2/3 [vote] to get elected, which might make governing Talossa impossible in the absence of a popular King. "The Cosâ operates much as before, with its Clark published each month by the Secretary of State. Its main difference is the reapportionment of seats: The Cosâ now has 215 "seats" (one person can hold more than one, fortunately) and the Secretary is no longer to be burdened with fractional votes (e.g. the Vote of Confidence tis month was 47.38 to 42.12). The term of the Cosâ has been extended somewhat, its "six month" term clarified to be equal to the publication of six successive Clarks. "dal Már's and Lauriéir's immovability paid off when the conservatives reluctantly agreed to make referenda more difficult; now a referendum cannot pass unless it receives a 2/3 'yes' vote by the people. The PC and TNP still maintain this is undemocratic. Important changes in the citizenship/naturalisation laws have taken place. Children born to Talossans (one or both parents) after 1st September 1987 are automatically Talossan citizens, despite the protestations of Dan and Bob. But, they must nevertheless appeal to the Cosâ for voting rights, despite the protestations of Ben, John and Andrïeu." Loud and raucous debate occurred on a number of these topics; Lauriéir denounced most of the King's ideas as "fucking idiocy" and said the King had "forfeited the right to be called an aristocrat." Finally the Convention broke up after adopting its document, though dal Már and Lauriéir decided it was still "too boring" to work out the exact language of the document to express the ideas that had been agreed on; again, King Robert was left to do this dirty work. The July Clark was the last one in the dal Már Government to contain any bills, and on August 1st, dal Már exercised the Prime Ministerial veto for the last time as he vetoed a bill to establish a national census. He opposed it because it was to be made mandatory, and he felt it unfair to force anyone to do any work if that "anyone" were not King Robert I. On August 15th, 1988, Prime Minister Bob dal Már's government finally came to the end of its constitutional tether and the Prime Minister called new elections as his term of office expired. And the elections--the tenth democratic election in RT history--began with a shocking surprise: The leftwing CARP party had not registered for the ballot. And neither had the DDP, which had planned to if CARP did not, to forestall the very situation that happened anyway: Only two parties were on the ballot--the Progressive Conservatives and the Talossan National Party. And because Talossan law prohibited write-in candidacies, one could only vote for one or the other. The very "PC blob" oozing all over the Cosâ, that Dan had predicted, was happening. Ián Metáiriâ, head of the TNP, saw this clearly, and pleaded with Dan shortly before the deadline to enter the race; but after waffling "as only he can" (as TNN put it) Dan decided to run but forgot to register! So the election began on August 15th, featuring two parties and two referenda: Approval of the Constituziun and approval of the annexation of the Northern Territories (Shorewood and Whitefish Bay), which issue refused to go away despite widespread public apathy. Støtanneu endorsed the PC and urged a "yes" vote on both referenda, and the PC ran an anti-apathy, pro-nationhood campaign, still running against the dal Már government instead of against its only rival, the TNP. On August 25th, Prime Minster dal Már gave his final impressions of his government, and defended its apathy: "Any stagnation of or in Talossa was, I assert, not caused by this government--though Ben polemicises otherwise--but by a general state of Talossan stagnation. Thus my defence of my government and why it was more beneficial for Talossa to remain mired in my government and not given an artificial boost through useless elections." The PM then declared that the PC had not offered "a single major initiative" during the government coalition; he ignored the Constituziun, making Tom Paliaçéu a citizen, and the proposal to bring the History to all immigrants. dal Már denounced the Tories for their goal of "trying to sabotage the governemtn halfway through its term.... [I]t is instructive in showing us that the PC had no plan of its own beyond its lust for power. Obviously, Bob being PM was not part of Ben's idea of having fun, so Bob must go. But go I would not!" Of course, it was Ben who nominated Bob to be OM in the first place, in the vain hope that something productive could be gained thereby. During the election, King Robert swore publicly that never again would a PC-DDP or PC- Bob coalition ever occur in Talossa. dal Már's last statement proved the last straw, as he claimed as one of the five main accomplishments of his government "new voting laws which will allow everyone to find out election results at the same time and not find their votes published... In Støtanneu before the election is even over." In fact, Robert Madison had proposed that bill, during Saulâ Proto-Forziun's Government! But the Progressive Conservatives, after being dumped upon by Bob dal Már and Dan Lauriéir for the past six months, finally saw the clouds begin to break on September 15th, 1988, as the General Election came to its predictable close, and the Progressive Conservatives sailed to the largest victory of any Talossan political party in national history: Progressive Conservative Party 78.57% Talossan National Party 21.43% The referendum on annexation was split 50/50 and so failed, but the 1988 Constituziun was approved warmly by an 88.8% "yes" vote with only Vitx Simeônescu and Saulâ Proto-Forziun voting against it. The only dark side of the election was that a small minority of the voters had spurned the chance to do something positive (vote PC) or something interesting (vote TNP), but instead tore up their ballots in protest against the two-party election. While 73.7% of the people had voted for one party or another, the remainder (who had forgotten to run their own parties) did not. And, suddenly, it became clear that Bob Fights were not yet over. All agreed that the new Cosâ would assemble under the laws and rules of the Constituziun, and Dan Lauriéir declared that under his interpretation of it, the new Cosâ should leave a quarter of its seats empty to "represent" those who had refused to vote in the election! This bizarre misinterpretation was rejected out of hand by King Robert, John Eiffler and Wes Aquilâ of the PC, and was viewed quizzically by Tom Paliaçéu, the leftist leader who had voted PC and who was quickly working his way into King Robert's Iron Circle and the confidence of the Tory establishment. The Government announced it would fill all 200 Cosâ seats. Dan announced that he would take the government before the Uppermost Cort of Talossa. Lauriéir and Madison, both Cort members, stepped aside and were replaced temporarily b Bob dal Már and Tom Paliaçéu. Ián Metáiriâ remained on the Cort, and the three formed the tribunal to judge tis weird interpretation of the laws. On 20 September 1988, Lauriéir and Madison came before them to argue their case. Lauriéir argued (correctly) that many who had not voted had done so in order to express political dissent, because they did not like the two parties. So Dan quoted the Vague Principles: "As significant political participation by as many interested citizens as possible is the sine qua non of the Kingdom of Talossa...." He argued that not to have empty Cosâ seats would impair the "significant political participation" of the non-voters. And King Robert responded by finishing the very same sentence: "The Cosâ shall strive to be as representative of our diverse political perspectives as possible without making pointless the very idea of organised government." Empty seats could not "represent" anything and could not speak on behalf of anyone; thus it would "make pointless the very idea of organised government" to allow such meaningless "participation" as this. If people didn't like the parties that wererunning, Madison said, they could always run their own. Talossa was small enough for that; that was a cardinal principle of Talossan democracy and besides, allowing people to "participate" by being able to disrupt the Cosâ with empty seats and not offer anything productive, would encourage apathy and make government pointless. Madison rested his case. With oral arguments concluded, the Uppermost Cort debated for some twenty minutes while Dan and Ben went to debate out in the hall. And when all reassembled, it was announced that a 2/3 majority had found in favour of King Robert's interpretation: "B70ased on all tradition, past election[s] both in Talossa without, and upon interpretation of the Consitituiun, we have decided that Non-Voting is NOT considered a vote for any purpose. Though it is clear to this Cort that 'Non-Votes' were a sign of disapproval of the parties that ran." Justice dal Már dissented, though admitting the decision of the majority was "with little doubt the most 'correct' reading of the Constituziun." But in his written dissent, written some six months after the Cort case was over, dal Már argued that the Cort should have decided against Madison anyway. It was, in a way, the final Bob Fight--and Madison emerged victorious, with tremendous happiness after defeating what he saw as probably the most blatant and ridiculous example of "danarchy" fall before the Uppermost Cort's correct interpretation of the Constituziun. Lauriéir, however, refused to publicly recognise or71 admit what the Cort had done; he declared some days later that the Cort was just a bunch of guys with an opinion, and the disputed law "really" still meant just what Lauriéir said it did. No amount of reason could change his mind that the Uppermost Cort was the final authority of the proper interpretation of a law. But with the PC's overwhelming majority, and the support of the opposition TNP on the issue, an Amendment to the Constituziun to clarify the issue once and for all seemed very likely. Tempers continued to flare, and by the end of September, Lauriéir was already plotting "electoral victory" over the PC I the next election, on a populistic demagogic platform. The whole experience had proven educational to Tom Paliaçéu, who got to observe the DDP mind on an issue of national policy up close, and was very disappointed. And when King Robert began his searchfor a new Prime Minister, a surprising choice was reached. PC leader Eiffler was graduating that semester, and said he would be too busy to serve as Prime Minister. Madison approached PC Wes Aquilâ, a former PM, but Aquilâ was also too busy with work to take the job. And so, early in the morning of Wednesday, 21 September 1988, the King of Talossa went to Tom Paliaçéu and asked if he would take the job of the nation’s highest elected office. Under the 1988 Constituziun, the King has the right to nominate the Prime Minister, who must be approved by the Cosâ. (The Cosâ may reject the King’s choice and nominate their own candidate, though with a 78% PC majority the King’s choice was a shoo-in.) Paliaçéu, who had discussed the possibility beforehand and who had already been given some seats in the PC delegation to parliament, agreed. The ancient Oath of Office was administered to Tom Paliaçéu, who became the nation's eighth elected Seneschál, or Prime Minister, since democracy came to Talossa in April 1985. The 228-day reign of Bob dal Már had finally come to an end, but it had left an almost indelible blot of ill will and negativity on the face of Talossan politics. It would be the new PM's task to bring peace
through dialogue to a battered nation.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 259-263
Can anyone distil Talossa into a single sentence? As its creator and
"guru", perhaps I came closest in 1992 when I wrote up a statement defining the "Spirit of '79," the spirit in which, in 1979, Talossa seceded from the United States and the spirit which has sustained at least me in Talossa's ongoing history. In October of 1993, Talossan voters added this "Spirit of '79" as a "Vague Principle" to the Talossan Constituziun in an effort to define Talossa. It reads: The Kingdom of Talossa is a community of persons having fun by doing things which are reasonably similar to what other ("real") countries do, whether for reasons of tourist nostalgia, out of a lust for power, in pursuit of parody, or--yes--as nationbuilding. As much as each citizen has contributed something to the history of this nation, it is only fair to parade each of us before the audience. Our individual efforts for Talossa, and the common country we built, together comprise the history of the Kingdom of Talossa. This then is our story. You
figure it out.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 11
(In
honour of this book's central place in Madison's crudescence, the Talossan Constituziun of 1988 mandated that the Prime Minister's oath of office be
administered with his hand upon a copy of The Loom of Language!)
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 46
11 september 1981
The
same day, another oath was announced, this one being the Oath of Office of the Prime Minister: "I do solemnly affirm that I [name] will faithfully execute the office of His Majesty's First Minister of the Kingdom of Talossa, and will to the best of my ability defend the integrity of the Talossan state. Long live the King!" That oath has been administered to every Prime Minister in
Talossa ever since, and was later enshrined in the 1988 Constituziun.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 97
November, 1988 saw several bills approved in the Cosâ, among which were a
bill to create a purely advisory lower house of Parliament, called the Cußéglh Cestoûr (Cestoûr Assembly), for which the 40,000 Cestoûr natives of Talossa could vote; this PC plan was adopted but quickly forgotten until about a year later. The government called for Kurdish freedom and Talossan- language names for citizens. In a slap at Andrïeu Latürarxheu--who had renamed his Maritiimi fiefdom "Henry Davïu Thoreau Province," the Cosâ voted to restore the original name. And, in a rare display of unity, the Cosâ also voted to amend the Constituziun to clearly and explicitly prohibit the non-vote empty seat
"nonsense"by a vote of 181 to 1 (Floretziâ Iàrni being the lone dissenter).
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 268
he would challenge the legality of the Living Cosâ in the Cort, because
the Constituziun specifically mandates Vote by Post (and not vote-in-person),
and orders the Secretary of State to preside over the Cosâ
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 275
The Cosâ voted by post in February, and passed a number of important
bills. The Constituziun was amended (unanimously) to allow Living Cosâs, the Annexation question would be put to a public referendum at the next election,
and Talossa recognised the independence of Palestine.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 277
The PC was ready, preparing its
campaign advert and its 50-Word Statement of Party principles, required by the
Constituziun for each party registering to run.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 279
At the stroke of midnight on the morning of the 15th of
April, 1989/X, Talossa's eleventh democratic election ended with a startling and totally unexpected result: Progressive Conservative Party 50% Talossan National Party 25% Talossan Sponge Party 20% Talossan Activist Party 5% And a quirk in the Constituziun--a Vote of Confidence would pass even if the voting was tied 50/50 in the Cosâ--meant that Prime Minister Paliaçéu could stay in power without having to form a coalition government. It was the first time in the nation's history that a single party had won two back-to- back
majorities in the Cosâ,
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 281
according to the text of Article 76 of the Constituziun ("The judges... shall
hold their offices for life, and may only be removed by a two-thirds vote in the Cosâ with approval by the King/Regent and the Prime Minister"), Lauriéir
had no legal authority to resign in the first place!
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 286
There was some PC-TNP coöperation seen in the June Clark, as the Cosâ, by
a unanimous vote (over some abstentions) amended the Constituziun to demote "Anthem" to the status of a National Song, and adopt a new Talossan National anthem in its place: a completely Talossan song called "Dallas Pätsilor" ('Of the Countries'), whose music was composed by TNP leader Metáiriâ, and whose words were written by Talossan poet and King Robert Madison. TNN described the anthem's tune: "Notably absent from the anthem is a sense of pomposity or martial spirit. 'Those elements are not applicable to the Talossan nation,' said Metáiriâ about his anthem. 'I've composed a simple, straightforward, stately melody, with no very high notes. It's an anthem for the common man. In a very deliberate way, I attempted to accomplish one main goal in this anthem: sincerity. I was honest about Talossa.'" The new anthem was written first in Talossan and then translated into English, although the English translation was not considered to be very good. A literal (unofficial) translation of the original Talossan words of the
country's new home-made anthem:
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 287
The crux of Peculiarism, Lauriéir now proclaimed, was not a desire not to
imitiate, but a desire to be “ambiguous.” It was very simple to define Derivatism: Derivatists could quote the 1979 Declaration of Independence, or the 1985 organic Law, or the 1988 Constituziun to show that Talossa’s identity depended on Talossa being a political entity which saw itself as "a country." The Derivatists joyfully quoted the preamble to the 1988 Constituziun, which 88% of Talossans had endorsed: "Every nation no matter how small has the right to self-government. We affirm that by our existence.... We state with neither equivocation nor flinching that the Talossan People are a nation, and that the Kingdom of Talossa is the state of that nation.... [We] hereby pledge before history that our responsibilities to our country are no less a sacred trust than those of other people to theirs. We shall uphold them. Talossa is a nation. This we
swear!"
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 291
We, Robert I, King of Talossa, hereby declare, as is Our right
under Article of the Constituziun, that effective 1 August 1989 the Cosâ is
dissolved pending new elections...
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 294
The 1988 Constituziun gives the King the right to veto bills "to force
the Kingdom to reflect on its course when He deems such reflection urgent," and the King, quoting the Constituziun, declared that "as 'the symbolic head of the nation' (Art. 12), I cannot in good faith sign into law a bill which denies the need for the nation itself, or obstructs its desire for national
independence--things which are central and necessary for Talossa."
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 304
When the Cosâ began its deliberations, it voted 144 to 71 to scrap the
provision in the Constituziun that allowed the children of one or two Talossan parents (if born after a certain date) to become RT citizens automatically; the King found himself outmanoeuvred by a coalition of Lauriéir (for whom nativeborn "Dandelion" citizens violated his sense of litism), Metáiriâ (whose squeamishness about reproduction and hatred of children compelled his opposition), Taglhéir (who was currying favours with Dan) and the Androids. Two "Dandelions" had obtained citizenship in the past month just under the wire (the sons of Melaniâ L'amatxéc'h and Vincinci Carù) but the practice would now stop; the King later described this as "my worst political defeat ever" that undercut his entire conception of Talossa as a national state. When John Eiffler was asked why he had changed his position on the issue and declared support for Dan, the Kingdom's Poet Laureate replied that his earlier support for native-born citizens had occurred "before we became aware that Talossans were capable of reproduction." Further debate was had on a Dan bill to "sink" Talossa's one-ship Navy, the VSM Panache. Dan had argued that "Talossa thinks it can best be defended by her wits," but the King broadened the debate and condemned Lauriéir for opposing things in Talossa that were fun for other people but didn't affect him. Most MCs didn't care one way or the other and the bill was defeated by a 30 to 62 vote (with 123 abstentions). However, another Dan bill abolishing the requirement for immigrants to buy a copy of Ben's History of the Kingdom of
Talossa passed on a 137 to 78 vote.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 305
Metáiriâ/Taglhéir co- bill to insert the
Defence Ministry into the RT Constituziun. Dan Lauriéir had agreed to support it even though he didn't like it, in exchange for Iác's support on his bill to strip native-born Talossans of their citizenship. And all through the debate on the DM bill, Dan tried backing out of his commitment, even asking Tom Paliaçéu to vote for the bill so Dan didn't have to! But Paliaçéu demurred and Dan ended up voting for it--while King Robert, who originally supported it, flip-flopped and voted against it to defeat the
bill on a vote of 139 to 76, falling just short of the 2/3 needed to pass.
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 306
(Voting by phone is illegal under the
1988 Constituziun but had been done anyway in previous elections and went
unchallenged by the Päts Vräts.)
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 309
One referendum question dealt with unimportant procedural matters
in the Constituziun and fell short of the 2/3 vote needed to amend the
Constituziun
R. Ben Madison, A History of the Kingdom of Talossa, Vol. I, 1994 / 2021 Comprehensive Edition ONLINE, p. 310
ELECTION BALLOT 15 January 1990**
PAPEL ELECTORAL UFICIAL ELEZIUN da JANUAR és FEVRAGLH 1990/XI
Perf çoicetz viens dels partis sovinds, par vFaçare 'n crutz à c'hostă del parti çoiçescà. Restornietz acest papel avint li 15. Fevráglh dallas 1990/XI àl Secretár d'Estat. Méirci.
El Vej Peculiar
Parti Naziunál Talossán Päts Vräts
PËRF SIGNHETZ
REFERENDUNS:
Perf votetz "üc" eda "non" sür gCadascú dallas quesziuns zoneschti aici.
1. Fost Principal Väg n:reu 4 estare amindat à tire: "In l'intzereçu da praticalità, la C'hosă pút limitar el volüm dels proxhets dal legeu." (ÜC/NON)
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, p. 173
Viensä cosă tréi mál për el proxhet, c'esteva anonçat această seifetziua, isch që c'è 'n vistaglhâ illegal! ça sembla që dîn la Constituziun, els mocts "proposed by" sînt resquirats avint els sigñhatürs dels scriutéirs dels proxhets. Så, mismâ schi el proxhet se valida, si fost scriuarë 'n noveu amendamáintsch al Constituziun për resquirar l'útzil da "Uréu q'estadra så." L'auxhectziun la pü bisertä, sânc duvitaziun, vient da John Jahn, el Sectretár d'Estat, qi resta contra el proxhet. Per o, o zia, la proposiziun Angleasca da "Uréu q'estadra så" ("I petition that it might be so") resembla trò els mocts da Jean-Luc Picard, el capitán imaginár del noveu Star Trek - "Make it so" ("Facetz-ça så). Estind 'n enemic arthientéu d'aceastã programâ da televiziun, s:r Jahn vota contra las
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, p. 191
REFERENDUM BALLOT** October, 1992 **
PAPEL ELECTORAL UFICIÁL: REFERENDUM SPECIÁL
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, 193
Perf çoiçetz l'opziun "üc" eda "non" come Voastra respúns al quesziun sovînd, és restorietz acest papel al bifisch del Secretár d'Estat avînt 7h 00 d'ospréi li 31. Listopäts dallas 1992/XIII. Méirci ben per Voastra cüntravál.
"Fost el text sovind estare combinat àl Constituziun Talossán, com'el 9.t Principál Vag?
9. Finalment, la vrätsità del Regipäts Talossán isch vivada el pu positiumînt par ça spritz tgistoric, da
get toct i istituziuns Talossies sînt dels viac'htéirs és dels grültiçéirs. El Regipäts Talossán isch vienså
comunità dallas perziuns qi ziverçent par el façarë dallas cosas qi sînt raziunaválmint similées àls cosas
façadas par dels altreux ("vrätsilor") pätsilor, siat për dallas raziuns d'egñhorada touristànál, eda d'iensâ
acoitiçi për el pëvarë, eda com'iensâ alcança da parodia."
(UC/NON)
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, p. 194
ELECTION BALLOT 15 September 1993
2: ¿Aprovetz-Voi l'avoliziun dels "Principais Vägs" sânxençáis, ancláes, cunfundinds és ausoláiteux?
3:¿Aprovetz-Voi l'adiziun del text sovînd com'iens noveu Principál Väg?
"La vrätsità del Regipäts Talossán isch vivada el pü positïumînt par ça spritz tgistoric, da qët toct i istituziuns Talossács sînt els viac'htéirs és grültiçéirs. El Regipäts Talossán isch 'n comunità dals perziuns qi ziverçent par el façarâ [sic] dals cosâs qi sînt raziunaválmînt similáes àls cosâs façadas par dels altreux ("vrätsilor") pätsilor, siat për dals raziuns d'egñhoradá touristànál, eda d'iensă acoitiça për el pëvarë, eda-üc-come la façadâ d'iensâ naziun."
Corpus Scriptionum Talossanarum, p. 203-204